Scott Atran
Scott Atran | |
---|---|
Born | New York City, New York |
February 6, 1952
Residence | France |
Nationality | American, French |
Fields | Anthropology, psychology, cognitive science |
Institutions | École pratique des hautes études Cambridge University Oxford University Hebrew University of Jerusalem University of Michigan John Jay College of Criminal Justice Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique École Normale Supérieure |
Doctoral advisor | Margaret Mead |
Scott Atran (born February 6, 1952) is an American and French anthropologist who is a Director of Research in Anthropology at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique in Paris, Senior Research Fellow at Oxford University in England, Presidential Scholar at John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York, and also holds offices at the University of Michigan. He has studied and written about terrorism,[1] violence[2] and religion,[3] and has done fieldwork with terrorists and Islamic fundamentalists,[4] as well as political leaders.[5] Atrans comments on the Islamic state in a speech for the United Nations leads to a controversy. [6]
Contents
Education and early career
Atran was born in New York City in 1952 and he received his PhD in anthropology from Columbia University. While a student he became assistant to anthropologist Margaret Mead at the American Museum of Natural History. In 1974 he originated a debate at the Abbaye de Royaumont in France on the nature of universals in human thought and society,[7] with the participation of linguist Noam Chomsky, psychologist Jean Piaget, anthropologists Gregory Bateson and Claude Lévi-Strauss,[8] and biologists François Jacob and Jacques Monod, which Harvard's Harold Gardner and others consider a milestone in the development of cognitive science.[9]
Later research and career
Atran has experimented on the ways scientists and ordinary people categorize and reason about nature,[10][11][12] on the cognitive and evolutionary psychology of religion,[13][14][15][16] His work has been widely published internationally in the popular press, and in scientific journals in a variety of disciplines. He has briefed members of the U.S. Congress and the National Security Council staff at the White House on the The Devoted Actor versus the Rational Actor in Managing World Conflict,[17] on the Comparative Anatomy and Evolution of Global Network Terrorism,[18] and on Pathways to and from Violent Extremism.[19] He was an early critic of U.S. intervention in Iraq[20] and of deepening involvement in Afghanistan.[21]
Atran has also been a staunch opponent of political attempts to eliminate government funding for social science, arguing that it is critical to the national interest, including innovation and security in business, technology, medicine and defense.[22]
Research on conflict negotiation
Atran has published research on the limits of rational choice in political and cultural conflict.[23][24][25][26][27]
He has collaborated on research on how political negotiations could be made more likely to produce agreement. Atran and the psychologists Jeremy Ginges and Douglas Medin and political scientist Khalil Shikaki conducted an experiment that surveyed "600 Jewish settlers in the West Bank, more than 500 Palestinian refugees, and more than 700 Palestinian students, half of whom identified with Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad."[28][29] The researchers divided the subjects into three groups, each of which was presented with a different "hypothetical peace deal." In the basic situation, those surveyed were presented with "a two-state solution in which the Israelis would withdraw from 99 percent of the West Bank and Gaza but would not have to absorb Palestinian refugees"; the proposal "did not go over well."[29] For the second group, the hypothetical deal "was sweetened with cash compensation from the United States and the European Union, such as a billion dollars a year for a hundred years, or a guarantee that the people would live in peace and prosperity. With these sweeteners on the table, the nonabsolutists, as expected, softened their opposition a bit. But the absolutists, forced to contemplate a taboo tradeoff, were even more disgusted, angry, and prepared to resort to violence."[30] But for the third group, the proposed two-state solution was "augmented with a purely symbolic declaration by the enemy in which it compromised on one of its sacred values."
In the deal presented to Israeli settlers, the Palestinians "would give up any claims to their right of return" or "would be required to recognize the historic and legitimate right of the Jewish people to Eretz Israel";[31] in that presented to the Palestinians, Israel "would recognize the historic and legitimate right of the Palestinians to their own state and would apologize for all wrongs done to the Palestinian people," or would "give up what they believe is their sacred right to the West Bank" or would "symbolically recognize the historic legitimacy of the right of return [without in fact granting it]".[28] In summarizing the result, cognitive psychologist Steven Pinker says, "Unlike the bribes of money or peace, the symbolic concession of a sacred value by the enemy, especially when it acknowledges a sacred value on one's own side, reduced the absolutists' anger, disgust, and willingness to endorse violence."[31]
Atran has worked with the United Nations Security Council[32][33][34]and has been engaged in conflict negotiations in the Middle East[35][36][37]
Field research on terrorism
His work on the ideology and social evolution of transnational terrorism, which has included fieldwork with mujahedin and supporters in Europe, the Middle East, Central and Southeast Asia, and North Africa, has challenged common assumptions. Steven Pinker summarizes some of Atran's findings thus: "Far from being ignorant, impoverished, nihilistic, or mentally ill, suicide terrorists tend to be educated, middle class, morally engaged, and free of obvious psychopathology. Atran concluded that many of the motives may be found in nepotistic altruism... [Atran shows that] Hamas and other Palestinian terrorist groups [hold] out a carrot rather than a stick to the terrorist's family in the form of generous monthly stipends, lump-sum payments, and massive prestige in the community.... Atran has [also] found that suicide terrorists can be recruited without these direct incentives. Probably the most effective call to martyrdom is the opportunity to join a happy band of brothers. Terrorist cells often begin as gangs of underemployed single young men who come together in cafes, dorms, soccer clubs, barbershops, or Internet chat rooms and suddenly find meaning in their lives by a commitment to the new platoon.... Commitment to the group is intensified by religion, not just the literal promise of paradise but the feeling of spiritual awe that comes from submerging oneself in a crusade, a calling, a vision quest, or a jihad. [Atran writes that religion] may also turn a commitment to a cause into a sacred value - a good that may not be traded off against something else, including life itself. The commitment can be further stoked by the thirst for revenge, which in the case of militant Islamism takes the form of vengeance for the harm and humiliation suffered by any Muslim anywhere on the planet at any time in history, or for symbolic affronts such as the presence of infidel soldiers on sacred Muslim soil."[38]
Atran is quoted as summarizing his work thus: "When you look at young people like the ones who grew up to blow up trains in Madrid in 2004, carried out the slaughter on the London underground in 2005, hoped to blast airliners out of the sky en route to the United States in 2006 and 2009, and journeyed far to die killing infidels in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen or Somalia; when you look at whom they idolize, how they organize, what bonds them and what drives them; then you see that what inspires the most lethal terrorists in the world today is not so much the Koran or religious teachings as a thrilling cause and call to action that promises glory and esteem in the eyes of friends, and through friends, eternal respect and remembrance in the wider world that they will never live to enjoy.... Jihad is an egalitarian, equal-opportunity employer: ...fraternal, fast-breaking, thrilling, glorious, and cool."[39]
Other work
Atran conducts ongoing research in Guatemala, Mexico, and the U.S. on universal and culture-specific aspects of biological categorization and environmental reasoning and decision making among Maya and other Native Americans.[40]
Atran's debates with Sam Harris, Dan Dennett, Richard Dawkins and others during the 2006 Beyond Belief symposium on the limits of reason and the role of religion in modern society highlight the differences between these authors, who see religion as fundamentally false and politically and socially repressive, and Atran who sees unfalsifiable but semantically absurd religious beliefs as historically critical to the formation of large-scale societies and current motivators for both conflict and cooperation.[41][42][43][44]
Atran's publications include Cognitive Foundations of Natural History: Towards an Anthropology of Science, In Gods We Trust: The Evolutionary Landscape of Religion, Plants of the Peten Itza' Maya (co-authored with Ximena Lois and Edilberto Ucan Ek), The Native Mind and the Cultural Construction of Nature (co-authored with Douglas Medin), and Talking to the Enemy: Faith, Brotherhood, and the (Un)Making of Terrorists.
Atran has taught at Cambridge University, Hebrew University in Jerusalem, and the École des Hautes Études in Paris. He is currently a research director in anthropology at the French National Centre for Scientific Research and member of the Jean Nicod Institute at the École Normale Supérieure. He is also visiting professor of psychology and public policy at the University of Michigan, presidential scholar in sociology at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York City, senior research fellow at Harris Manchester College, Oxford University, and cofounder of ARTIS Research and Risk Modeling.
Bibliography
As sole author
- Fondements de l'histoire naturelle Bruxelles: Editions Complexe, 1986. Pp. 244. ISBN 2-87027-180-8 [45]
- Cognitive Foundations of Natural History: Towards an Anthropology of Science Cambridge University Press, 1993 ISBN 978-0-521-43871-1[46]
- In Gods We Trust: The Evolutionary Landscape of Religion Oxford University Press, 2002; ISBN 978-0-19-803405-6 [47]
- Talking to the Enemy: Faith, Brotherhood, and the (Un)Making of Terrorists HarperCollins, 2010; ISBN 978-0-06-202074-1 [48]
As editor or co-author
- Histoire du concept d'espece dans les sciences de la vie, ed. (1987)
- Folkbiology, ed. with Douglas Medin (1999)
- Plants of the Peten Itza' Maya, with Ximena Lois and Edilberto Ucan Ek (2004)
- The Native Mind and the Cultural Construction of Nature, with Douglas Medin (2008)
- Values, Empathy, and Fairness Across Social Barriers. ed., Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, with Oscar Vilarroya, Arcadi Navarro, Kevin Ochsner and Adolf Tobena (2009)
References
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- ↑ http://www.achgut.com/dadgdx/index.php/dadgd/article/weiches_wasser_fuer_den_is
- ↑ Lawrence Kritzman, Ed., The Columbia History of Twentieth-Century French Thought, New York, Columbia University Press, 2006, pp. 179-180, ISBN 978-0-231-10791-4
- ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
- ↑ Harold Gardner, Encounter at Royaumont, in Art, Mind, and Brain: A Cognitive Approach to Creativity, New York, Basic Books, 1982, pp. 16-26, ISBN 978-0-465-00444-7
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- ↑ Scott Atran and Ari Norenzayan, "Religion's Evolutionary Landscape: Counterintuition, commitment, compassion, communion" BEHAVIORAL AND BRAIN SCIENCES, (2004) v. 27, pp. 713 – 770 url=http://www.psych.ubc.ca/~ara/Manuscripts/AtranNorenzayanBBS.pdf
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- ↑ Scott Atran, "US off Target in Terror War," Detroit Free Press, March 7, 2003 |url=http://sitemaker.umich.edu/satran/files/satran_3-7-03_detroit_fp.pdf
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- ↑ 28.0 28.1 Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
- ↑ 29.0 29.1 Steven Pinker, The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, Viking Press, 2011, pp. 638, ISBN 978-0-670-02295-3
- ↑ Steven Pinker, The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, Viking Press, 2011, pp. 638-9, ISBN 978-0-670-02295-3
- ↑ 31.0 31.1 Steven Pinker, The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, Viking Press, 2011, pp. 639, ISBN 978-0-670-02295-3
- ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
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- ↑ Steven Pinker, The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, New York, Viking Press, 2012, pp. 356-57, ISBN 978-0-670-02295-3
- ↑ Atran testimony to U.S. Senate, quoted in Steven Pinker, The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined, New York, Viking Press, 2012, pp. 357-58, ISBN 978-0-670-02295-3
- ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
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External links
Wikiquote has quotations related to: Scott Atran |
- Atran's ARTIS Research site
- Atran's Oxford University site
- Atran's Huffington Post Contribution Page
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- Living people
- 1952 births
- American anthropologists
- French anthropologists
- Psychological anthropologists
- American political scientists
- American atheists
- Anthropology educators
- Psychology educators
- Columbia University alumni
- Academics of the University of Cambridge
- École Normale Supérieure faculty
- University of Michigan faculty
- John Jay College of Criminal Justice faculty
- Cognitive science of religion