Japanese Communist Party

Japanese Communist Party 日本共産党
President	Kazuo Shii
Secretary-General	Yoshiki Yamashita
Representatives leader	Keiji Kokuta
Councillors leader	Yoshiki Yamashita
Founded	July 15, 1922 (July 15, 1922)
Headquarters	4-26-7 Sendagaya, Shibuya, Tokyo 151-8586, Japan
Youth wing	Democratic Youth League of Japan
Membership  (2014)	320,000
Ideology	Marxism Scientific socialism Eurocommunism Pacifism
Political position	Left-wing
International affiliation	Comintern (1922 – 1943) International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties
Colours	Red
Representatives	21 / 475
Councillors	11 / 242
Prefectural assembly members	136 / 2,725
Municipal assembly members	2,752 / 32,070
Party flag
Website
www.jcp.or.jp/english/
Politics of Japan Political parties Elections

Kazuo Shii, Chair of the Central Committee (2000- )

JCP members From left, Tokuda Kyuichi, Nosaka Sanzo, and Yoshio Shiga. (During 1945-1946)

Japanese Communist Party Headquarters

The Japanese Communist Party (JCP, Japanese: 日本共産党, Nihon Kyōsan-tō) is a communist political party in Japan and is one of the largest non-governing communist parties in the world.

The JCP advocates the establishment of a society based on socialism, democracy, peace, and opposition to militarism. It proposes to achieve its objectives by working within a democratic framework in order to achieve its goals, while struggling against what it describes as "imperialism and its subordinate ally, monopoly capital." The party does not advocate violent revolution; it proposes a "democratic revolution" to achieve "democratic change in politics and the economy", and "the complete restoration of Japan's national sovereignty", which it sees as infringed by Japan's security alliance with the United States although it firmly defends Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution.

Following the most recent general election, held on December 14, 2014, the party holds 21 seats in the House of Representatives and following the most recent councillors election, held on July 21, 2013, the party holds 11 seats in the House of Councillors.

Outline

The JCP is one of the largest non-ruling communist parties in the world, with approximately 320,000 members belonging to 22,000 branches. In the wake of the Sino-Soviet split, the party began to distance itself from the Socialist Bloc, especially from the Soviet Union. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the JCP released a press statement titled, "We welcome the end of a party which embodied the historical evil of Great Power chauvinism and hegemonism" (Japanese: "大国主義・覇権主義の歴史的巨悪の党の終焉を歓迎する"), while at the same time criticizing Eastern European countries for abandoning socialism, describing it as a "reversal of history".

Consequently, the party has not suffered an internal crisis as a result of the collapse of the Soviet Union, nor has it considered disbanding or changing its name or fundamental objectives, as many other Communist parties have done. It polled 11.3% of the vote in 2000, 8.2% in 2003, 7.3% in 2005, and 7.0% in the August 2009 election. In recent years its support has accrued; as of the 2014 General Election it won 21 seats, up from eight in the previous general election. The JCP took 7,040,130 votes (13.3%) in the constituency section and 6,062,962 (11.37%) in the party lists. This continues a new wave of support that was also evident in the 2013 Tokyo metropolitan election where the party doubled its representation. Fighting on a platform directly opposed to neoliberalism, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, attempts to rewrite the constitution, US military bases on Japanese soil and opposition to nuclear power, the JCP tapped into a minority current that seeks an alternative to Japan’s rightward direction.

Membership

As of 1 January 2014 the JCP has approximately 320,000 members. Following the party's advancement in the 2013 Tokyo prefectural election there has been an upswing in people joining the party, with over 1,000 people joining in each of the final three months of 2013. Approximately 20% of new members during this period were aged 20–40, showing a higher ratio of young people joining the party than in the past.

History

Kenji Miyamoto, held the party's leadership position from 1958 to 1982

The JCP was founded on 15 July 1922, as an underground political association. Outlawed at once under the Peace Preservation Law, the JCP was subjected to repression and persecution by the military and police of Imperial Japan. It was the only political party in Japan that opposed Japan's involvement in World War II. The party was legalised during the U.S. occupation of Japan in 1945, and since then has been a legal political party able to contest elections. In 1949, the party made unprecedented gains. It won 10 percent of the vote and sent 35 representatives to the Diet. But early in 1950, the Soviet Union sharply criticized the JCP's parliamentary strategy. Stalin insisted that the JCP pursue more militant, even violent, actions. SCAP seized this occasion to engineer the Red Purge, which forced the party leaders underground. Then, after the Korean War broke out, the party staged some acts of terrorism or sabotage. This resulted in a loss of popular confidence. Through the end of the decade, it never won more than 3 percent of the votes or two seats in the Diet. Even so, its strong support among many intellectuals gave it a relatively greater importance than these numbers suggest.

The party did not take sides during the Sino-Soviet split of the 1960s. In the mid-1960s, the U.S. State Department estimated the party membership to be approximately 120,000 (0.2% of the working age population).

Lam Peng Er argued in Pacific Affairs in 1996 that "the JCP's viability is crucial to the health of Japanese democracy." This, he says, is because:

It is the only established party in parliament that has not been coopted by the conservative parties. It performs the watchdog role against the ruling parties without fear or favor. More importantly, the JCP often offers the only opposition candidate in prefectural governorship, city mayoral and other local elections. Despite the ostensible differences between the non-Communist parties at the national level, they often support a joint candidate for governor or mayor so that all parties are assured of being part of the ruling coalition. If the JCP did not offer a candidate, there would be a walkover and Japanese voters would be offered a fait accompli without an electoral avenue of protest. Promoting women candidates in elections to win women's votes is another characteristic of the party. More women are elected under the Communist label than other political parties in Japan.

In 2008, foreign media recorded an increase in support for the party due to the effect of the global financial crisis on Japanese workers. However they failed to increase seats in the Japanese general election, 2009. However the projected decline of the party has been halted, with the JCP becoming the third largest party in the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly and making gains in the House of Councillors, moving from 6 to 11 seats. They surged forward in the 2014 elections the JCP took 7,040,130 votes (13.3%) in the constituency section and 6,062,962 (11.37%) in the party lists.

1920s-1930s

During the first decades following the party's founding, the party drew in students intellectuals, writers, artists, journalists, and academicians. The academic Marxists withdrew as the JCP came under the tighter control of the Comintern and diverged from the trends of its own society, leaving more militant activists in control. Formal membership in the JCP never reached 1,000 in the prewar era. The JCP did not permit recruiting outside of Japan proper. The JCP faced government repression, and was plagued by internal factionalism.

The JCP and the Comintern were closely connected since the party's founding. The JCP was funded overwhelmingly by Comintern money, which was used for regular publications, leaflets, election expenses in 1928 and 1930, to establish party headquarters and leaders' hideouts and as salaries for JCP leaders. Funding ceased in mid-1931, when the Comintern's representative in Shanghai was arrested and contact between the JCP and the Comintern was temporarily lost. After the Comintern's representative's arrest, the party relied on money from sympathisers. Nosaka Sanzo denies that the JCP and the Comintern had been on close terms.

The 1932 Thesis was published in the spring of 1932, and was to stand as the basic document for the JCP. It was a successor of the 1931 Draft Thesis, which was rejected by the Comintern. According to the 1932 Thesis, the 1931 Draft had placed insufficient emphasis on the role of the Emperor system as the dominant political force in Japan and on the necessity for a thoroughgoing agrarian revolution. The 1932 Thesis stated that while the ultimate objective was the establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat, the way forward must first be cleared by a bourgeois revolution that would abolish the institution of emperor and redistribute the wealth of the land-owning class.

The tactics of the JCP became more aggressive following the election campaign of February 1930. The party's central committee approved the formation of "Red self-defence bodies" to oppose "white terror". The party called for a worker uprising and an armed march on the Diet on May Day. In October 1932, police arrested party members involved in the Omori bank robbery.

The JCP opposed the 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria. Following the Manchurian Incident, the JCP and its affiliated organizations conducted 262 anti-war actions, mostly leaflet distributions, in 1931, between September 18 and October 31. the JCP made efforts to organize within the army, distributing "The Soldier's Friend", a monthly magazine. The Army Ministry recorded that anti-military actions rose yearly from 1,055 in 1929 to a peak of 2,437 in 1932. In response, in October 1932, the government launched a wave of arrests of suspected Communists. Louise Young described the actions of the JCP following the Manchurian Incident as the "Swan Song" of the JCP as an organized movement. The new wave of political repression destroyed the movement. It is reported that anti-war actions were dropping off to 1,694 in 1933 and 597 in 1934.

In late 1933, Central committee members Oizumi Kenzo and Obata Tatsuo were tortured by their colleagues in the Communist Party during investigation of suspicions that they were police spies. Obata died as a result of the torture. Oizumi escaped, and turned himself in to the police. During his subsequent trial, it was revealed that he had worked for the Tokkō. The press called the incident the "Red Lynching".

Hakamada Satomi was the last member of the Central Committee of the JCP. Following his arrest in March 1935, small pockets of Communist activity continued, but there was virtually no contact with the Comintern and no central direction of the party.. According to Robert A. Scalapino

"With Hakamada's arrest in early 1935, party activities practically ceased on an organized basis. Japanese Communism, from this point until 1946, consisted mainly of secret thoughts nurtured in the minds of a few "true believers," most of whom were in prison."

Occupation of Japan

Reemergence

Six days after the SCAP ordered the release of all political prisoners in Japan on October 4, 1945, a small band of freed Communist political prisoners in Japan began political activities immediately, with Tokuda Kyuichi and Shiga Yoshio playing leading roles. The Japanese Communist Party was reestablished. The Communists were recruiting many additional comrades from the ranks of Japanese women, were building up a strong youth organization, and the Akahata, the party's official newspaper, was gaining circulation rapidly. The Communists in Japan received no backing from Russia, and operated on a small budget.

The Communists were also trying to enlist the Socialists in the formation of a united front coalition. Communist leaders Yoshio Shiga, Shigeo Kamiyama and Ichiso Matsumoto called at the office of the Japan Socialist Party and formally asked the party to join in opposing the Shidehara cabinet, which the Communists leaders said "has no ability to cope with the present situation. Despite both the Communists and the Socialists once being political foes. Shiga expressed belief that the groups could co-operate in a "unified single trade union." Observers in December 1945 labeled the Communists in Japan as not real Communists in the Marxian sense of the word. Instead labeling them as a little left of the Socialists. According to observers "The Communist leaders are following this line in the hope of drawing strength from all left wing political parties and thereby, in effect, winning control for themselves.

Opposing the Communists were the National Federation of Toilers, a new workers organization, which announced its defense of the Imperial House in October 1945.

Surge of membership

According to the Japan Policy Research Institute, following World War II, the JCP's membership increased from 1,000 to 84,000 members from 1945 to 1949. In the 1949 national elections, the party received 3 million votes, almost 10 percent of the total vote and elected 35 of the party's candidates. Beginning in 1950, membership fell. Yoshio Shiga stated that the party's membership was 1200 in December and had increased to 6800. His reasoning being "because the Communist Party is assuming the lead on all fronts for the realization of the people's needs.".

Policies

At the close of the Fourth Congress on Dec. 2, 1945, the party laid down a six-point program for its members:

1. "Concentrate on improving the living standards of the Japanese people." 2. "Make every possible efforts to increase production and restore transportation and communication facilities for the welfare of workers, farmers, salaried men and other segments of the middle classes." 3. "Resort to the general strike weapon or any other suitable means against the Japanese capitalists who oppose the Communist objectives. 4. Establish a fundamental policy of aligning the Japanese people the party to protect Communists against possible violence." 5. "Work toward stabilization of the people's livelihood by abolishing the emperor system and establishing a republican form of government."

6. "Emphasis on the party principle that only a people's government can bring Japan back into the world family of nations.".

On the Fifth National Communist Congress in February 1946, the Japanese Communist Party formally demanded the abolition of the "feudalistic emperor system" and asked that it be replaced by a people's democratic government with a Diet composed of a single house. The demand was contained in a declaration adopted at the Fifth National Communist Congress. The declaration said the question of the imperial family should be decided by plebiscite after the establishment of a people's government, but added, however, that the party intended to "pursue" the war responsibility of Emperor Hirohito." The Communists advocated the "clean sweeping" of war criminals and person guilty of violating the people's rights in the country's responsible political, economic and social posts, and the confiscation of imperial lands as well as large tracts belong to the shrines, temples and peerage that the communists said, should be distributed among the farmers. Among other demands were:

1. State ownership of property belonging to war criminals

2. Liquidation of monopolitic capital 3. Establishment of a minimum wage system 4. Establishment of a seven-hour work day

5. Emancipation of Japanese women from their feudal restrictions.

The Red Purges

Originally, the Occupation wasn't antagonistic to the Japanese Communist Party. The GHQ was willing to regard the JCP as a potential ally in combating militarists and the Old Guard. John K. Emmerson recommended to the State Department a positive policy of encouraging all political tendencies that might be united in creating a democratic Japan, including the Communist Party, citing that it served America's long-term interests in Asia better than a negative policy of repressing the left. The Emmerson Plan was respected in SCAP in the early days of the Occupation. However, However, POLAD Chief George Atcheson and intelligence officers in G-2 saw Communism as the antithesis of democracy and impediment to the Occupation's objectives.

The Occupation's policy towards Communism changed due to the Cold War, and the Occupation's Reverse course. On June 6, 1950, MacArthur sent a letter to Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru ordering the purge of members of the Japanese Communist Party. In the letter, MacArthur warned of a new group that has "injected itself into the Japanese political scene which has sought through perversion of truth and incitation to mass violence to transform this peaceful and tranquil land into an arena of disorder and strife as the means of stemming Japan's notable progress along the road of representative democracy to subvert the rapidly growing democratic tendencies among the Japanese people." and that "they have hurled defiance at constituted authority, shown contempt for the processes of law and order, and contrived by false and inflammatory statement and other subversive means to arouse through resulting public confusion that degree of social unrest which would set the stage for the eventual overthrow of constitutional government in Japan by force." In October 5, 1950, students attended the "General Indignation Meeting Condemning the Red Purge" on the campus of the University of Tokyo.

Going underground

Within a week of MacArthur's order in June 6, 1950, most of the Communists had gone underground. During the purge, rumors emerged. One said Kyuichi Tokuda had fled from Japan with Soviet Lt. Gen. Kuzma Derevyanko. Another rumor said all of the party's purged Politburo members had escaped to Russia. The police raided between 2,000 and 3,000 places suspected of being hideaways. It was suspected that some, or all, may have fled aboard a smuggler's boat to Red China, North Korea, or Russian-ruled Sakhalin Island. At that time, it was suspected that Japanese Reds may be in Peiping or Moscow.

Policies

One of the JCP's main objectives is terminating the Japan–U.S. military alliance and the dismantling of all U.S. military bases in Japan. It wants to make Japan a non-aligned and neutral country, in accordance with its principles of self-determination and national sovereignty. (In Japan there are about 130 U.S. military bases and other related facilities, Okinawa having the largest U.S. military base in Asia).

With regards to Japan's own military forces, the JCP's current policy is that it is not principally opposed to its existence (in 2000, it decided that it will agree to its use should Japan ever be attacked), but that it will seek to abolish it in the long term, international situation permitting.

The JCP also opposes possession of nuclear weapons by any country or the concept of military blocs, and opposes any attempt to revise Article 9 of the Constitution of Japan, which says that "never again …... [Japan] be visited with the horrors of war through the action of government". Regarding the resolution of disputes, it argues that priority must be given to peaceful means through negotiations, not to military solutions. The JCP says that Japan must adhere to the U.N. Charter.

The JCP adheres to the idea that Japan as an Asian country must stop putting emphasis on diplomacy centering on relations with the United States and the G8 Summit, and put Asian diplomacy at the center of its foreign relations. It supports Japan establishing an "independent foreign policy in the interests of the Japanese people," and rejects "uncritically following any foreign power".

The JCP advocates that Japan issue further apologies for its actions during World War II and has condemned prime-ministerial visits to Yasukuni Shrine. In the 1930s, while the JCP was still illegal, it was the only political party to actively oppose Japan's war with China and World War II. Despite this, however, the JCP supports the territorial claims by Japan in the Kuril and Senkaku Islands and Liancourt Rocks disputes. Furthermore, the JCP has condemned North Korea's nuclear-weapons testing, calling for effective sanctions but opposing the prospect of a military response.

The JCP has traditionally been opposed to the existence of the Imperial House since the pre-war days. From 2004, it has acknowledged the Emperor as Japan's head of state as long as he remains a figurehead. JCP has stated that if the party comes to power, it will not ask the Emperor to abdicate; it is also against Japan's use of its national flag and national anthem which it sees as a relic of Japan's militarist past.

The JCP also strives to change the nation's economic policy of what it sees as serving the interests of large corporations and banks to one of "defending the interests of the people," and to establish "democratic rules" that will check the activities of large corporations and "protect the lives and basic rights of the people."

Regarding the issue of the international economy, the JCP has advocated establishing a new international democratic economic order on the basis of respect for the economic sovereignty of each country and strongly opposes the participation to the TPP. The JCP sees the United States, transnational corporations and international financial capital as pushing globalization, which, it says, is seriously affecting the global economy, including the monetary and financial problems, as well as North-South and environmental problems. The JCP advocates "democratic regulation of activities by transnational corporations and international financial capital on an international scale."

The JCP stance on international terrorism is that only by "encircling the forces of terror through strong international solidarity with the United Nations at the center" can terrorism be eliminated. It argues that waging war as a response to terrorism "produces a rift and contradictions in international solidarity, which instead expands the breeding ground of terrorism."

The JCP supports the legalization of civil unions for same-sex couples.

In September 2015 after the passage of the 2015 Japanese military legislation, the JCP called for cooperation from other opposition parties to form an interim government to abolish the bills. It was the first time the party had called for such cooperation with other parties.

Organization

Press

Shimbun Akahata (English: Red Flag Newspaper) is the daily organ of the JCP in the form of a national newspaper. Several other newspapers preceded and merged into Red Flag, including Daini Musansha Shinbun (English: The Second Proletarian News) which was merged into Red Flag in 1932. Daini Musansha Shinbun was itself the immediate successor to the original The Proletarian News, which was banned by the government in September 1929 (Daini Musansha Shinbun began publication immediately after the ban.)

In the past the party published numerous other newspapers as well, including another national paper called Nihon Seiji Shinbun (English: Japan Political News) and a theoretical journal called Zenshin (English: Forward.) The party also published several regional newspapers such as Class War in and around Kyoto, Osaka, and Kobe, Shinetsu Red Flag in Nagano, and Hokkaido News in Hokkaido. They also published numerous (the exact number is unknown) factory newspapers.

Some regional newspapers, such as Shin Kanagawa (Engish: New Kanagawa) in Kanagawa, are still published

Affiliated organizations

The youth wing of JCP is the Democratic Youth League of Japan. In the 1920s and 1930s the organization published several newspapers of its own, including Reinen Seinen (English: Lenin Youth) and Proletarian Youth.

The party also has affiliate medical and consumer co-ops. The Japanese Consumers' Co-Operative Union (JCCU), the umbrella body of the co-operative movement in Japan, has a sizable number of communists in its ranks, although the exact numbers are difficult to verify. Another example of the JCP's prevalence in the co-operative movement is the Co-op Kanagawa in the Kanagawa Prefecture, which has 800,000 members and has historical ties to the JCP. It still advertises and occasionally is published in JCP newspapers such as Red Flag and New Kanagawa. The prevalence of house unions in Japan as opposed to enterprise unions has prompted much of the exceptional development of other organizations by the JCP, as well as causing the JCP to seek other external organizational support, including from kōenkai.

Notable members

Main article: List of members of the Japanese Communist Party

Takiji Kobayashi, prominent author of proletarian literature

Pre-war

• Kanson Arahata
• Sen Katayama
• Hajime Kawakami
• Fukumoto Kazuo
• Takiji Kobayashi
• Toshihiko Sakai
• Hitoshi Yamakawa

Wartime

• Kim Chon-hae
• Sanzo Nosaka
• Yoshio Shiga
• Kyuichi Tokuda

Post-war

• Kiyoteru Hanada
• Kenji Miyamoto
• Tetsuzo Fuwa
• Kazuo Shii

Popular support and electoral results

House of Representatives (Lower House)

Note: Prior to 1996 the entire House of Representatives was elected via proportional lists, and after 1996 the majority of members of the House of Representatives (currently 295 of 475) are elected via local single-member FPTP districts, not the regional PR blocks (which elect the other 180 seats.) Voters have one vote in their FPTP district, and one in their PR block. Thus the votes and vote percentages in the table below are the JCP's overall vote totals from before 1993, and just the proportional lists after 1996.

House of Representatives
Election year	# of votes	% of vote	Total seats	±
1946	2,135,757	3.8	6 / 464
1947	1,002,883	3.7	4 / 466	2
1949	2,984,780	9.8	35 / 466	31
1952	896,765	2.5	0 / 466	35
1953	655,990	1.9	1 / 466	1
1955	733,121	2.0	2 / 467	1
1958	1,012,035	2.5	1 / 467	1
1960	1,156,723	2.9	3 / 467	2
1963	1,646,477	4.0	5 / 467	2
1967	2,190,564	4.8	5 / 486	0
1969	3,199,032	6.8	14 / 486	9
1972	5,496,827	10.5	38 / 491	24
1976	5,878,192	10.4	17 / 511	21
1979	5,625,527	10.4	39 / 511	22
1980	5,803,613	9.8	29 / 511	10
1983	5,302,485	9.3	26 / 511	3
1986	5,313,246	8.8	26 / 512	0
1990	5,226,987	8.0	16 / 512	10
1993	4,834,587	7.7	15 / 511	1
1996	7,268,743	13.1	26 / 500	11
2000	6,719,016	11.2	20 / 480	6
2003	4,586,172	7.8	9 / 480	11
2005	4,919,187	7.3	9 / 480	0
2009	4,943,886	7.0	9 / 480	0
2012	3,689,159	6.2	8 / 480	1
2014	6,062,962	11.4	21 / 475	13

House of Councillors (Upper House)

Note: The majority of members of the House of Councillors (currently 146 of 242) is elected in the prefectural SNTV districts, not in the national PR district (until 1980: national SNTV district). Members of the House of Councillors are elected to staggered six year terms. Every three years half the house is up for election. The seats totals show below are the JCP's overall post-election seat totals, not just their seats elected in that particular year.

Election year	National district votes		Total
	# of votes	% of votes	Seats	±
1947	610,948	2.9	4 / 250
1950	1,333,872	4.8	4 / 260	0
1953	293,877	1.1	2 / 260	2
1956	599,254	2.1	2 / 254	0
1959	551,916	1.9	3 / 254	1
1962	1,123,947	3.1	4 / 254	1
1965	1,652,364	4.4	6 / 254	2
1968	2,146,879	5.0	7 / 251	1
1971	3,219,307	8.1	10 / 251	3
1974	4,931,650	9.4	19 / 260	9
1977			16 / 252	3
1980			12 / 252	4
1983			14 / 252	2
1986	5,430,838	9.5	16 / 252	2
1989			14 / 252	2
1992			11 / 252	3
1995			14 / 252	3
1998			23 / 252	9
2001	4,329,210	7.9	20 / 247	3
2004	4,363,107	7.8	9 / 242	11
2007	4,407,937	7.5	7 / 242	2
2010	3,563,556	6.1	6 / 242	1
2013	5,154,055	9.7	11 / 242	5

See also

• Zengakuren
• Socialist thought in Imperial Japan
• Appeal to the People
• Japanese dissidence during the Shōwa period
• Relations between Japanese Revolutionaries and the Comintern and the Soviet Union

Further reading

• Scalapino, Robert A. The Japanese Communist Movement: 1920-1966 London, England: Cambridge University Press. 1967.
• Beckmann, George M., and Genji Okubo. The Japanese Communist Party 1922-1945. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1969.
• Wilson, Sandra "The Comintern and the Japanese Communist Party" from Tim, Rees, and Thorpe, Andrew. International Communism and the Communist International, 1919-43 Manchester University Press, 1998.
• "EXTRACTS FROM THE THESES OF THE WEST EUROPEAN BUREAU OF THE ECCI ON THE SITUATION IN JAPAN AND THE TASKS OF THE JAPANESE COMMUNIST PARTY May 1932 Inprekorr, xii, 42, p. 1202, 20 May 1932" from Degras, Jane. Communist International: Documents. Routledge. 2013
• TWO CENTURIES AND JAPANESE COMMUNIST PARTY Speech by FUWA Tetsuzo Japanese Communist Party Central Committee Chair At Speech Assembly to Mark the 80th Anniversary of the Japanese Communist Party July 8, 2002 - Tokyo International Forum at http://www.jcp.or.jp
• * 戦前の反戦運動 「戦争に反対して、命がけで活動した人たちの記録」 (Pre-war anti-war movement "Record of the people who were active in the opposition to war.") at kure-sensai.net. Information on the Japanese Communist Party in pre-war Japan, and following the Manchurian Incident.

External links

• Official website